Tribe

Ashaninka

The Ashaninka have a long history of struggle, repelling invaders from the time of the Inca Empire to the rubber tapping economy of the 19th century and, particularly among the inhabitants of the Brazilian side of the border, fighting timber exploitation from 1980 to the present day. A people proud of their culture, driven by a keen sense of freedom, willing to die to defend their territory, the Ashaninka are not simply objects of Western history. Their ability to reconcile traditional customs and values with the ideas and practices of the white world, such as those linked to socio-environmental sustainability, is admirable.

Location and population

The area of Ashaninka occupation extends over a vast territory, from the Alto Juruá region and the right bank of the Envira River in Brazil to the slopes of the Andean Cordillera in Peru, occupying part of the Urubamba, Ene, Tambo, Alto Perene, Pachitea, Pichis, Alto Ucayali, and the regions of Montaña and Gran Pajonal.

 

The vast majority of the Ashaninka live in Peru. The groups located today in Brazilian territory also come from Peru, having started most of their migrations to Brazil, under pressure from Peruvian rubber tappers at the end of the 19th century. Here the Ashaninka are in distinct and discontinuous Indigenous Lands, all located in the region of the Alto Juruá (see next in Inhabited Lands).

 

A tributary of the right bank of the Juruá River, the Amônia rises in Peruvian territory and guarantees relatively favourable navigation conditions in its Brazilian course. In the rainy season, a trip from the international border to the confluence with the Juruá, located in the municipality of Marechal Thaumaturgo, takes about ten hours by motorised canoe.

Today, in the lowlands of the Amazon River, we find the Alto Juruá Extraction Reserve (right bank) and a settlement of the Institute of Colonisation and Agrarian Reform (INCRA), (left bank), while the upper part shelters on both sides the Kampa Indigenous Land of the Amônia River.

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The data from censuses carried out by anthropologists who worked with this people show a great variation according to the authors, who highlight the difficulty of establishing a population total. In Peru, the data vary, depending on the sources and dates of the research, from 10,000 to more than 50,000 individuals. Despite these hypothetical estimates, all the authors stress the importance of the Ashaninka in demographic terms and present the group as one of the largest native population contingents in the Peruvian Amazon and also in the Amazon basin in general.

According to the 1993 census of the National Institute of Statistics and Informatics (INEI), the Ashaninka people in Peru number 51,063 individuals distributed in 359 communities, constituting the largest native population in the Peruvian Amazon (Zolezzi, 1994: 15). In Brazil, surveys carried out by anthropologists, indigenous organisations and FUNAI (National Indian Foundation) also reveal wide variations due to the lack of records. These technical difficulties are compounded by a strong tendency towards migration, a characteristic of traditional Ashaninka society, which makes it difficult to carry out more accurate surveys. Despite these difficulties, the NGO CPI-AC estimated the Ashaninka population living on Brazilian territory at around 869 people.

According to the CPI-AC, the Ashaninka population of the Amônia River represented a total of 472 individuals in 2004, or about half of the Ashaninka living in Brazil. More than 80% of this population lives in or near the Apiwtxa village (less than thirty minutes by motorised canoe). By river, Apiwtxa village is approximately 80 kilometres from Marechal Thaumaturgo and 350 kilometres from Cruzeiro do Sul. As the crow flies, the distance is 13 and 80 kilometres respectively. This village was created in 1995, in the lower part of the TI, in the vicinity of the border with the Alto Juruá Extraction Reserve and the INCRA settlement.

According to CPI-AC data, the Rio Breu TI had a population of 114 Ashaninka in 2004. In the Igarapé Primavera TI there were 21 people at that date and in the Envira River TI there were 262 individuals.

The vast majority of the Ashaninka live in Peru. The groups located today in Brazilian territory are also from Peru, having started most of their migrations to Brazil, under pressure from Peruvian rubber tappers at the end of the 19th century. Here the Ashaninka are in distinct and discontinuous Indigenous Lands, all located in the region of the Alto Juruá (see next to Inhabited Lands).

A tributary of the right bank of the Juruá River, the Amônia rises in Peruvian territory and guarantees relatively favourable navigation conditions in its Brazilian course. In the rainy season, a trip from the international border to the confluence with the Juruá, located in the municipality of Marechal Thaumaturgo, takes about ten hours by motorised canoe.

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Fabricação de flechas. Aldeia do Samuel. Foto: Arno Vogel, 1978.

Name and language

The Ashaninka belong to the Aruak (or Arawak) linguistic family. They are the main component of the sub-Andean Aruak group, which also includes the Matsiguenga, Nomatsiguenga and Yanesha (or Amuesha). Despite differences in dialect, the Ashaninka are culturally and linguistically homogeneous.

Throughout history, the Ashaninka have been identified under various names: Ande, Anti, Chuncho, Pilcozone, Tamba, Campari. However, they are best known by the term ‘Campa’ or ‘Kampa’. This name was often used by anthropologists and missionaries to designate the Ashaninka exclusively or the sub-Andean Aruak generically, with the exception of the Piro and the Amuesha.

Ashenĩka is the self-designation of the people and can be translated as ‘my relatives’, ‘my people’, ‘my people’. The term also designates the category of good spirits who dwell ‘on high’ (henoki).

Cosmology and shamanism

Among the Ashaninka, we find the characteristics that define the shamanic cosmological systems present in the Amazonian lowlands: a universe divided into several levels; the existence of an invisible world behind the visible world, the role of the shaman as a mediator between these worlds, etc. Perhaps the particularity of the Ashaninka lies in their extremely dualistic conception of the universe, clearly defining the boundaries between Good and Evil.

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According to anthropologist Gerald Weiss, the indigenous universe, organised vertically, comprises an indeterminate number of superimposed levels. Thus, from bottom to top, we find, successively: Šarinkavéni (the “Hell”), Kivínti (the first underground level), Kamavéni (the terrestrial world), Menkóri (the world of clouds) and other levels covering the earth and making up the sky (1969:81-90). The whole of the celestial levels is called henóki, but this term is also used as a synonym for heaven, the proper name for which is Inkite.

According to Weiss, although these levels are interrelated, the inhabitants of each of these levels experience their world in a solid way. Thus, for example, if we take as a reference our Earth (Kamavéni), the residence of mortal men, the sky visible from it constitutes only the floor of the next higher level (Menkóri), the greater part of which remains outside our visual perception. Below Kamavéni, there are two levels: Kivinki (-1), the residence of “good spirits”, and Šarinkavéni (-2), which, according to the author, can be described as the “Hell of the Campa”. Weiss points out, however, that the -1 level is mentioned by few Ashaninka, many considering that, below the earth, there is only Šarinkavéni: the world of demons.

Ashaninka cosmology becomes more complicated when Weiss identifies the inhabitants of the different levels of the universe, seeking to explain the role played by each of them, their various manifestations and their relationships with the Ashaninka. In the sky, or more specifically, at the top (henóki), live the good spirits. This category is called amacénka and also ašanínka, i.e. it is taken as an extension of the people’s own self-designation.

These spirits are ranked according to the power attributed to them and their importance in cosmology. The most powerful are called Tasorenci and are considered to be true gods. The Tasórenci have the power to transform everything through breath and form the Ashaninka pantheon that created and governs the universe. At the top of this hierarchy is Pává (Pawa), the most powerful of the Tasórencia, father of all creatures in the universe. Generally invisible to human eyes, some Tasórenci may nevertheless appear on Earth in human form.

Evil spirits and demons, generically called Kamári, inhabit the lowest level, where they live under the supreme authority of Koriošpíri. But these evil spirits hardly reside in Šarinkavéni. Although this first level of the hierarchy presents the greatest concentration of these beings and harbours the most powerful among them, the nefarious spirits are also to be found, in various places, in the world inhabited by men. On “our” Earth, the main demon is Mankóite, who has his abode in the ravines often found along the rivers in Ashaninka territory. He is characterised by a human form, but generally remains invisible. An encounter with it heralds death. It is interesting to note that, according to Weiss, the Mankóite live in a similar way to the white: their houses have the same objects, they own goods, etc.

Thus, Ashaninka spirituality has an extremely dualistic character. In the cosmos hierarchised by Pává, spirits are generally either good (amacénka or ašanínka) or evil (kamári). Both manifest their presence in different ways on the earth inhabited by humans. The šeripiari (shaman) acts as a mediator between humans and these different layers of the cosmos. With the help of tobacco, coca and kamárampi (ayahuasca), he seeks to communicate with the good spirits and combat diabolical forces, but he can also use his power in the service of Evil (sorcery). Thus, the plane on which people live is not exclusively inhabited by humans, animals and plants. It is presented as a world in fragile equilibrium, where people are constantly besieged by the confrontation between Good and Evil.

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On the Amônia River

The Ashaninka of the Amônia River also relate a vision of the world built on a vertically hierarchical structure of the universe composed of superimposed levels. The underground level is associated with death and evil spirits: kamari. The Indians say little about this world where strange people live, some with a way of life similar to that of the white people (houses, cars, etc.) and who can breathe in water. The Ashaninka stated that none of them live there and that they do not like to think of this dangerous place because it could awaken evil spirits and call them to our world. They all claim, however, that this level exists and that it is situated “below” (isawiki) our Earth.

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Although this world is associated with death and has been described by some as “Hell”, it is not always presented as such. According to the account of Shomõtse, now the oldest Ashaninka of the Apiwtxa village, “Hell” is not located in this subterranean level, but is located in the sky, or more precisely, “on top” (henoki), and not “below” (isawiki). There is a “big hole with boiling water in a big pot”. The owner of this place is Totõtsi, whose main task is to cook sinful Ashaninka. The presence of the “Hell” on top is also found in other accounts, while some informants believe that this place is situated below the Earth.

As in the case presented by Weiss, the Ashaninka of the Amônia River present the sky as composed of several layers. At the top, in inkite, is Pawa, the all-powerful God. In the layer immediately below, there are the Tasorentsi, who are seen as having divine characteristics: “they are like a God, they grab anything, blow and transform it into something else”. On a level below them, always in henoki, are other good spirits who, like the Tasorentsi, are the “true sons of God”. According to some informants, this layer of heaven is called Pitsitsitsiroyki. It is where Pawa selects from among the Ashaninka those he recognises as sons. According to the Ashaninka of the Amônia River, these “good spirits” who live in henoki can all be considered as itome Pawa (sons of Pawa) and are called amatxenka or asheninka. 

For the Ashaninka of the Amônia River, Pawa is presented as the creator God of the whole universe. Sometimes, the Ashaninka refer to him as Paapa (pai). Directly or indirectly supported by his children, he created the Earth, the forest, the rivers, the animals, the men, the sky, the stars, the wind, the rain, etc. In native mythology, many of these creations are actually transformations of Ashaninka people, Pawa’s children, into something else and were made through the breath. Thus, at the time of the creation of the world, animals, silver, stars or certain places or phenomena had a human appearance and were, in a general way, children of Pawa. Depending on the behaviour of these first Ashaninka on Earth, the God and/or the Tasorentsi transformed them into something else, bad or good.

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Sun and Moon

In Ashaninka mythology, the gender of Sun and Moon are the opposite of Portuguese, the former being female and the latter male. According to Weiss, Pawa was born from a sexual relationship between the Moon and an Ashaninka woman who burned to death giving birth to the Sun. Luna is thus considered the father of Pawa. Before ascending to heaven, the Sun and Moon lived on earth for a long time.

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Luna offered yucca (kaniri) to the Ashaninka who, up to that time, only ate termites. Yet, despite being the father of the Sun and also considered a god, Luna occupies an inferior status to the Sun because of his activities that lead him away from life and towards death. Being a cannibal, Luna feeds on the dead and the fate of the Ashaninka is to be devoured by him.

This relationship of filiation between the Moon and the Sun seems a little problematic among the Ashaninka of the Amônia River. Kashiri is not always recognised as Pawa’s father, as many informants categorically affirm that he has always existed and created everything, including the moon. He is seen as an ambiguous being, at the same time considered as a god provider of yucca (kaniri), but also associated with a cannibal being who fights periodically with the sun (eclipses) and is associated with the world of the dead.

According to the Ashaninka of the Amônia River, after life on Earth, the dead (kamikari) go, at first, to the world “below” (isawiki), where they remain for a while. During the phases of the new moon, Kashiri ingests them and takes them to Pitsitsitsiroyki, where he gives them to a star. The star is charged with washing them, perfuming them and keeping them until the visit of Pawa, who periodically chooses from among the dead the Ashaninka whom he recognises as his legitimate children and wishes to keep close to him. [/expand]

The Whites

This hierarchy of the Cosmos and the dichotomy between Good and Evil are fundamental to understanding the place attributed by the Ashaninka to the “others” and, above all, to the whites. The entire organisation of the native Cosmos is based on this structural principle composed of two elements that are at the same time opposite and complementary. Thus, while the Ashaninka are ideally associated with the Good, the White has close ties with the evil spirits and the forces of evil.

The vision of the White (wirakotxa) features prominently in native mythology. The first wirakotxa of which the Ashaninka of the Amônia River claim to have knowledge is the Spaniard who emerges from a lake, as a consequence of an act of disobedience by the Inka to his father Pawa, and comes to disturb the order of the universe.

“Antiguamente, wirakotxa vivía dentro de un lago. Entonces, Inka fue a pescar con otro Ashaninka. Era de madrugada. Entonces, escuchó una gallina y dijo: “Joven, vamos agarrar eso”. “No es necesario, deja así”. Al otro día, la misma cosa. De nuevo, oyó a la gallina, oyó al perro ladrar al fondo (…). Entonces, Inka fue a ver Pawa. “No te metas con eso, mijo”. Pero Inka no escuchó y fue a pescar. Escuchaba la gallina bien cerquita, escuchaba al perro. “Voy a agarrar la gallina”. Entonces, lanzó el anzuelo con banano, pedazo así (...) Entonces, salió la gallina. Entonces, lo lanzó de nuevo, salió el perro. Entonces, escuchó nuevamente un ruido. Agarró la banana y salió Blanco. Entonces, wirakotxa subió a la Tierra. Entonces, Pawa se puso bravo y preguntó: “Por qué fuiste a buscar a wirakotxa?”. “Papá, yo fui a agarrar la gallina y wirakotxa salió”. “¡Yo no quiero ese blanco aquí junto con nosotros. Yo lo dejé por allá, pero a ti te gustó, y ahora puede quedarse para ti! Ahora yo me voy y tú te vas a quedar con wiakotxa y trabajar para él”.

(Alípio, Ashaninka morador del río Amônia).

El hecho de Inka haber pescado la gallina y el perro antes del blanco es considerado señal de advertencia de Pawa a su hijo, para que él interrumpiera su actividad infeliz. Esos animales, traídos por el blanco, eran desconocidos por los Ashaninka, que tienen un acervo muy variado de mitos para explicar el surgimiento de la mayoría de los animales. Estos eran, inicialmente, Ashaninka que perdieron su apariencia humana y fueron transformados en animales por Pawa o por los Tasorentsi. Con todo, la gallina (txaapa) y el perro (otsitsi) nunca fueron Ashaninka. Éstos surgieron del lago donde eran los fieles compañeros del blanco. En algunos casos, la comparación con el perro fue usada por informantes para calificar genéricamente al blanco y/o su comportamiento:”feo como un perro”, “tacaño como un perro”, “hediondo como un perro”, etc.

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El surgimiento de wirakotxa en la Tierra es por lo tanto el resultado de la desobediencia de Inka a Pawa, que había inicialmente separado los Ashaninka de los blancos. En la mitología indígena, la irresponsabilidad de Inka es más un ejemplo de una larga lista de errores cometidos por los hijos de Pawa en los tiempos originales. El conjunto de estos errores explica la situación actual de los ashaninka y las imperfecciones de su mundo.

La importancia de este evento es reforzada por muchos que consideran que fue como consecuencia directa de este acto que el Dios creador subió al cielo. Cansado de las sucesivas desobediencias de sus hijos, Pawa decidió dejarlos solos en la Tierra y vivir en el cielo, donde permanece hasta hoy, disfrutando de un mundo perfecto. Otros dicen que Pawa se quedó durante un tiempo en la tierra, donde intentó construir un muro para separar a los Ashaninka de los blancos.

De una manera general, la visión que los Ashaninka del río Amônia construyen del blanco puede asemejarse a la categoría genérica de los espíritus malévolos, kamari. Como ellos, el blanco está asociado a la muerte y a las enfermedades (matsiarentsi). Los indios creen que las enfermedades son el resultado de estos seres nefastos o de la actividad de un chamán malvado a través de la hechicería. Frente a las perezosas y desconocidas enfermedades de los blancos (mãtsiari wirakotxa), la sabiduría de sheripiari es ineficaz. [/expand]